Presenting my book "Human Right Issues in the Swedish Case VS. Assange”
Book cover by ©Arte de Noli
Published in Professorsblogg.com 25 Dec 2013
In an important voting at the Human-Rights organ of the United Nations, some months ago, Sweden obtained the lowest preference from the voting country-delegates. The election concerned Sweden’s own candidacy towards becoming a member of the United Nations Human-Rights organization.
In spite of such serious indication, or the news-relevance of the event, the information was not revealed in Sweden by the MSM at large. The state-owned media did not referred to it at all. Neither it figured at the website of the Swedish Foreign Affairs Ministry, or in Carl Bildt’s otherwise prolific twitters.
The referred happenings, both the drastic negative UN voting against Sweden and the fashion used by the Swedish government in hiding the news on the setback at home, or the collaborative stance by the Swedish MSM, are a pure demonstration of Sweden elites' collapsing international prestige. This process has been initiated in recent years with the remarkably persecution of the WikiLeaks founder Mr Julian Assange and other human-rights violations; such as the extraordinary renditions of refugees in Swedish territory, to the CIA.
And this is the country that only some decades ago – by the times of Olof Palme - it was internationally acclaimed for its dignified stance on human rights for all, for opposing imperialist wars, and for a noble commitment for peace and fairness in justice. In my very first article on the “Assange case”, published 2010 in Sweden by Second-Opinion, I reminded that “every single Swedish institution, not only the government but also universities and foundations, have gained their international prestige and positive affection from their counterparts all over world based precisely in the notion of a neutral and pacifist Sweden.” The publication by WikiLeaks of the Diplomatic Cables on Sweden had unmasked in front of the whole world the falsehood of the current Swedish rulers’ “neutral stance”.
The human rights of Julian Assange, with the severe infringements on his freedom and civil liberties, would have to pay a high price for his Pandora-Box action.
Markedly, it is still heard in the international forum, and not seldom, this ungrounded myth – used as argument in the “Assange case” debate: “a neutral and democratic country as Sweden, just cannot be part of corrupted corporate conspiracies, or a docile follower of a political U.S. lead in the Assange case”.
This book, “Human Right Issues in the Swedish Case VS. Assange”, aims to set the record straight.
The book is based on updated texts I have authored, mostly the last two years, and which have been published in a variety of media. The chapters comprising eight parts:
- Part I – Political and cultural background of the case
- Part II – The Trial By Media
- Part III –On the Myth of Sweden’s Neutrality
- Part IV – Debunking Swedish stance on Extraordinary Renditions, Asylum & Extradition Issues
- Part V – The Swedish Legal System and Human Rights Issues in the “Assange case”
- Part VI – The case Assange instrumented by the “Radical Feminists” (neither feminists, leftists, or radicals) serving the Swedish establishment
- Part VII – The direct intervention of the Swedish government in the “legal process” VS. Julian Assange
- Part VIII – Intelligence issues. Swedish Government Officials reporting, “having the impression they were working under the direct orders of CIA”
- Part IX – On Whistleblowing, Authority and Alienation
The book is exposing, basically:
a) Partly, some of the multiple violations on the human rights of Mr Julian Assange all across the “legal case”, and the “medial case”, b) the unequivocal political nature of the Swedish case against the WikiLeaks founder, geopolitics included, and c) a variety of democracy-wise anomalies in the Swedish system of justice, pointing at an antidemocratic management by the part of Sweden’s political and cultural elites.
I am a Swedish citizen, and I have lived in Sweden way more time than the average Swedes. I love this country, the people, and their culture. My position on Sweden is crystal-clear: good people, amiable, hardworking, honest. I believe that their traditional good ethics have – paradoxically – made them vulnerable for institutional deceit. Many would think that Swedes are naive, idiosyncratically. But they are not naive; they are just honest. And honest people tend to trust people, and therefore they have trust in their governments per default. And this is it. One conclusion of my book is that their government, their political and medial elites, have deceived the good Swedish peoples at large; And by means of social and cultural alienation.
What is in for the deceivers?
That domestic oligarchies in pursuing own interests would tend to form alliances with foreign powers, instead of protecting the interests of their own nations, it is old as History itself. 
For the highest hierarchies it is a matter of corporative allegiance, millionaire share-holding profits, positions of international power. In true, in a macro perspective these changes in Sweden’s corridors-of-power occurred concomitantly with global economic developments after the Berlin Wall fall. In the beginning of the post cold-war era, Western centres of financial, military and subsequently political power shifted more markedly from governments’ sovereignty to global corporate decisions. This explains for instance the boosted weight during the 90’s of the Bilderberg Group, in which conspicuously participates Sweden’s most influent capitalist/politician, Carl Bildt – which at the same time was Sweden’s Prime Minister, nowadays Foreign Affairs Minister. A documented sourced in the Wikipedia article on the Bilderberg Group describes the organization’s attendee lists as “weighted towards bankers, politicians, and directors of large businesses.” In the book, I develop on details in “The Pesci Theses”.
Would the reader think these formulations are far conspiracy-wise? This is what Denis Healey, one of the founders of the Bilderberg group and member of its executive board during 30 years, have declared:
"To say we were striving for a one-world government is exaggerated, but not wholly unfair.”
Other names from the U.S. in such meetings of the Bilderberg Group: John Kerry, Bill Clinton, Henry Kissinger, Condolezza Rice; From the U.K., David Cameron, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown; Other names from Sweden are the current PM Fredrik Reinfeldt and Finance Minister Anders Borg (right-wing party The Moderates), and Mona Sahlin, head of the Social Democratic Party 2007-2011 and in the same internal political aggrupation of Thomas Bordström (the former Minister of Justice and co-owner of the law firm that initiated the reopening of the “Swedish case” against Assange).
For the Swedish middle-range elites and the media, the cultural and military establishment, it is also a matter of positions of power or in certain cases of job survival. Many analysts have interpreted the legendary Swedish “consensus” as a cultural inclination of agreeing collectively on issues of national pride, or national interest. However, the elites’ disciplined behaviour has in fact very little to do with “consensus”.
The truth is that behind a publicized system of neutrality, harmony, democracy, equality and consensus, there is the reality of a system in power using subtle gender discrimination, structural racial discrimination against the foreign born and their descendants, and antidemocratic measures equally against the Swedish born.
The power abuse includes a growing economic corruption, of which two examples are reviewed in this book. In both cases WikiLeaks figured either as a source (the Swedish-Telia international bribe scandal of 2013), or agitated as scapegoat by the Swedish military establishment (the Swedish/Saudi Arabian weapon scandal of 2012).
In the beginning of my analyses I hypothesized that all these secretive transgressions and abuses of power were done by the governing elites on the back of the Swedish Parliament and the people. Sadly, my conclusion is now that some members of the Parliament have been aware all along, or even participated with their complicit silence in those wrongdoings against the people that trusted them with their democratic vote.
The compact Swedish position on Assange and WikiLeaks (which by no accident is equated with the U.S. position), and particularly in the initiation and subsequently blockade for a resolution of the “case” in London, has to be understood in the contexts referred above. The case is undoubted political; the legal aspects are a charade.
Another conclusion of my book is that the current government’s lackey-stance in geopolitical matters is NOT serving Sweden’s national interests; it is serving a foreign corporate-power strategic interests.
Sweden, as the rest of the democracies in the world, would be highly benefited by the release to freedom of Mr Julian Assange. The modern whistleblowing movement inspired and sat in motion by WikiLeaks, is a veritable lifeboat to democracy.
With best New Year greetings of Human Rights for All,
Prof. Ferrada de Noli
HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES IN THE SWEDISH CASE VS. ASSANGE
By Prof. Marcello Ferrada de Noli.
Publisher: Libertarian Books - Sweden.
The book will be available on-line at libertarianbooks.se on the 19th of January 2014, provided proofread is completed.
For the subscription of a printed copy, email firstname.lastname@example.org
References in this post
 M Ferrada de Noli. “Assange buried the Swedish neutrality myth”, Second-Opinion, 8 Dec 2010
 To illustrate with a case I know because of other circumstances: During the Italian Wars 1521-1526, when Emperor Charles V Spanish army invaded Northern Italy, they were fought by the people; However, many in the local oligarchy saw an opportunity to re-establish their privileges curved down by the Pope, by making military alliance with the invaders. I believe that in Genoa history they are known as the Pro-Hapsburgs. Eventually, the Italian nationalists defeated them and their Spaniard mentors in the battle of Genoa by December 1924. Members of the Genoa oligarchy that have enlisted as officers in the Imperial Army commanded by Ugo de Moncada, felt then no better chance than following Charles V troops back to Spain. From there they embarked to participate in the conquest and colonization of Chile, Mexico and Peru initiated 1527 ca.